Reciprocal markers indicate that an action or feeling is mutual across two or more parties (e.g. they love each other; they beat each other). This feature targets phonologically independent reciprocal markers that do not consist of two quantifiers. Such markers may be described as pronouns, particles or auxiliaries. They may be composite, as long as they do not consist of two quantifiers. A reciprocal marker may indicate both reflexive and reciprocal functions. It needs to be productive, not limited to a small set of verbs that are probably lexicalized.
Kosraean (ISO 639-3: kos, Glottolog: kosr1238)
Kosraean features a complex reciprocal marker, sie sin sie, literally translatable as ‘one of one’ (Lee 1975: 107). As such, it qualifies as a bipartite reciprocal marker and does not trigger a 1 for this feature. It is coded 0.
a. Eltahl luhngse sie sin sie. they like one of one ‘They like each other.’ (Lee 1975: 107) b. Kuht etuh sie sin sie. we know one of one ‘We know each other.’ (Lee 1975: 107)
Western Farsi (ISO 639-3: pes, Glottolog: west2369)
Western Farsi features both a bipartite reciprocal marker, ye ... digar (or yak ... digar) and a non-bipartite one, ham, which also means ‘same’ in other parts of the grammar (Windfuhr & Perry 2009: 437). The latter triggers a 1 for this feature.
a. yek-i pas az digar-i one-INDF after from other-INDF ‘one after another’ (Windfuhr & Perry 2009: 437) b. az ham jodā šod-and| from each.other separated become.PST-3PL ‘They parted.’, lit. 'They became separate from each other.' (Windfuhr & Perry 2009: 437)
Bargam (ISO 639-3: mlp, Glottolog: barg1252)
Bargam has an independent non-bipartite marker, an, that fulfills both reciprocal and reflexive functions (Hepner 2006: 100). It is coded 1 for this feature.
a. on in an tu-bulon yaʔ-ay women they each.other PFV-speak.to PST.IPFV-N1 ‘The women were speaking to each other.’ (Hepner 2006: 100) b. I kab an huser-01-uʔ ha(ʔ)-01-w. we this-DAT each.other divide-JUSS-1PL QUOT-PST-1PL ‘Let’s divide up (ourselves) here.’ (Hepner 2006: 100)
Evans, Nicholas. 2008. Reciprocal constructions: Towards a structural typology. In Ekkehard König & Volker Gast (eds), Reciprocals and reflexives: Theoretical and typological explorations, 33–104. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
Geniušienė, Emma S. 1987. The typology of reflexives. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
König, Ekkehard & Volker Gast. 2008. Reciprocity and reflexivity: Description, typology, and theory. In Ekkehard König & Volker Gast (eds), Reciprocals and reflexives: Theoretical and typological explorations, 1–31. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
Nedjalkov, Vladimir P. 2007. Overview of the research: Definitions of terms, framework, and related issues. In Vladimir P. Nedjalkov (ed.), Reciprocal constructions, 3–114. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Nedjalkov, Vladimir P. (ed.) 2007. Reciprocal constructions.Amsterdam: John Benjamins. (This five-volume collection includes chapters on 39 genealogically and areally diverse languages.)
Hepner, Mark. 2006. Bargam grammar sketch. Papua New Guinea: The Summer Institute of Linguistics. (Manuscript.)
Lee, Kee-Dong. 1975. Kusaiean reference grammar. (Pali Language Texts Micronesia.) Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.
Windfuhr, Gernot & John R. Perry. 2009. Persian and Tajik. In Gernot Windfuhr (ed.), The Iranian languages, 416–544. London: Routledge.
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0 | absent | 1170 | |
1 | present | 371 | |
? | Not known | 590 |
Name | Glottocode | Family | Macroarea | Contributor | Value | Source | Comment |
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