Grambank - Feature GB152: Is there a morphologically marked distinction between simultaneous and sequential clauses?

Feature GB152: Is there a morphologically marked distinction between simultaneous and sequential clauses?

Patrons: Hannah J. Haynie

Description ⇫

Summary

This question is concerned with whether there is an overt marker dedicated to signaling the distinction between temporally simultaneous and sequential actions. If sequential meaning is a secondary function of an imperfective aspect this does not count; it must be indicated by a devoted marker. The language does not need to express both sequential and simultaneous temporal relationships overtly; one marker devoted to either function is sufficient to trigger a 1.

Procedure

If there is a marker on the verb that indicates that the event described in an adjacent clause is temporally simultaneous with the marked clause, code 1.
If there is a marker on the verb that indicates that the event described in an adjacent clause is temporally sequential with the marked clause, code 1.
If clauses or verbs are combined in a way (e.g. through subordination) that implies sequential or simultaneous action and no overt verb marker is dedicated to this distinction, code 0.
If simultaneous or sequential temporal relationships are implied through the use of imperfective aspect or adverbial elements other than a dedicated verbal marker, code 0.

Examples

Southeastern Pomo (ISO 639-3: pom, Glottolog: sout2982)

Southeastern Pomo uses different markers on the verb to signal whether the action expressed by the following verb form happened in sequence with the action of the first verb, or simultaneous with the first verb.

Simultaneous: -day

a. yiwi Ɂa   sca-day         sma-n  q'lal-ya  
3SG  1SG  be.there-SIM    sleep  get-PFV
‘He fell asleep while I was there.’ (Moshinsky 1974: 76)  

b. Ɂa  wit     xbac'-day  x̣ol-o-di-t  
1SG 1SG.OBJ ask-SIM    hither-travel-POT-IPFV  
‘I’ll come when he asks me.’ (Moshinsky 1974: 76)

Sequential: -fla

c. Ɂa    x̣ol-o-fla         qnak'-ya  
1SG   hither-travel-SEQ fall.asleep-PFV
‘He fell asleep after I came.’ 

d. yiwi  yoq-fla   bxe  ṭlaq-ya  
3SG   shoot-SEQ deer fall.over-PFV
‘After he shot it, the deer fell over.’ (Moshinsky 1974: 76)

Southeastern Pomo would be coded 1 because the temporal relationship between sequential events is marked by a suffix on the verb. There is also a marker on the verb to indicate simultaneous events. However, this language would still be coded 1 if only one of these temporal relationship markers existed.

References

Moshinsky, Julius. 1974. A grammar of Southeastern Pomo. (University of California Publications in Linguistics, 72.) Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.

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0	absent	1126
1	present	590
?	Not known	689

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Values ⇫

Name	Glottocode	Family	Macroarea	Contributor	Value	Source	Comment